From appliedrc@igc.apc.org Thu Feb 23 17:53:17 1995 Date: Wed, 22 Feb 1995 17:30:43 -0800 From: Applied Research CenterTo: newman@garnet.berkeley.edu Subject: Rapsheet 1 All Points Bulletin: Conyers Bill Aims to Reform Asset Forfeiture The Asset Forfeiture laws of 1985 mandate police seizure of suspected drug traf^ckersU property. Statutes such as these, which allow the transfer of individualsU money and property to law enforcement agencies, invite abuses. Without stringent oversight and mechanisms, overzealous law enforcement has used the asset forfeiture programs to violate peopleUs civil rights. Current Federal laws do not require that a property owner be convicted of a crime, or even arrested at all, in order for agents to seize assets: mere suspicion of guilt is enough. You donUt even have to be directly connected to the alleged crime to have your assets seized. Under current laws, agents can take any property they believe might have been purchased with drug money -- regardless of who it belongs to. And once the seizure takes place, the accused must prove that the items were not purchased with drug money and must post 10% of the total value of the seized items as a cash bond. The only bill that challenges the uncontrolled growth of forfeiture programs is HR 3347, sponsored by John Conyers (D-MI). The Conyers bill would require a conviction before items can be taken. Moreover, agents would only be authorized to seize items directly connected to the crime. The Conyers bill places the burden of proof on the government and not the individual. But what happens once the assets have been forfeited? The Conyers bill makes the law enforcement agencies more accountable: * The Department of Justice would publish an annual report of the money paid to individual informants and maintain data that would give the race, national origin, gender and age of the people that had property seized. This measure would help to minimize discrimination in asset seizure by providing a public record of law enforcement activity. * All forfeited items would be transferred directly to state treasuries and only then be distributed to the state and local law enforcement agencies. This measure would eliminate a complicated bureaucracy that currently makes it dif^cult to trace the whereabouts of forfeited assets. As it stands, it is often dif^cult to ^nd out just who is pro^ting from the seizures: the money disappears into the criminal justice system, and no one is accountable for it. * Community-based organizations (through crime control, drug prevention and education programs) would have access to 50% of federal forfeiture income. This measure, perhaps the most important of the Conyers plan, would not only give agents less incentive to engage in pro^teering, but would set a tremendous precedent: introduce the notion of law enforcement sharing half of the revenue with communities around the country. The whole point of the asset forfeiture program was to reduce crime. Unfortunately, the system lent itself to abuses: a crime prevention measure has turned into a form of revenue-farming. The Conyers bill, by giving power to local organizations and by curtailing law enforcement excesses, will be an important step in the right direction. ************************************************************************* From Issue #6 of RapSheet, September 1994 Trends in Police Work, Law Enforcement Reform, & Community Control Prepared by the Applied Research Center for the Campaign for Community Safety & Police Accountability *************************************************************************